The stories of Mongolia’s WWII heroes are deeply ingrained in the nation’s cultural fabric. But in an age of great power competition, remembrance is increasingly seen as a geopolitical signal.
As Mongolia commemorates the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II this year, the nation finds itself at a crossroads, where its historical legacy from that global conflict intersects with contemporary geopolitical realities. This creates a complex tapestry, woven with threads of military contributions, strategic alliances, and national identity. In the current geopolitical landscape, is Mongolia’s WWII heritage an asset or a liability?
Mongolia’s Indelible Mark on World War II – and Vice Versa
During WWII, Mongolia played a role that, while often overshadowed by the actions of larger powers, was significant in the context of the Asian theater. In 1939, the Battles of Khalkhin Gol (also known as the Nomonhan Incident) saw Mongolian cavalry units fight alongside Soviet forces. Their coordinated efforts disrupted Japanese supply lines, effectively halting Tokyo’s ambitious northward expansion. This victory not only safeguarded Mongolia’s borders but also had far-reaching implications for the broader war effort. It forced Japan to divert resources from its campaigns in China, thus altering the strategic balance in East Asia.
In 1945, Mongolia’s military prowess was again on display during the Zhangbei Offensive (also called the Langwogou campaign). Mongolian armored units, in cooperation with Soviet troops, broke through Japanese defenses in northern China. Their actions hastened the collapse of Japan’s Northern Defense Line, contributing to the overall weakening of the Japanese Empire in the final stages of the war.
Beyond direct combat, Mongolia provided substantial logistical support. A few million head of livestock and essential supplies were sent to the Soviet Union, serving as a crucial lifeline for the Allied war machinery. This assistance was not only a testament to Mongolia’s commitment but also a practical demonstration of its value as an ally.
The stories of Mongolia’s WWII heroes, from the fearless cavalrymen at Khalkhin Gol to the strategic minds behind battles, have been deeply ingrained in the nation’s cultural fabric. This history is recounted in schools, celebrated in state ceremonies, and forms an integral part of Mongolia’s national narrative. These tales reinforce a sense of resilience and sovereignty, portraying Mongolia as a nation that could stand its ground and make sacrifices in the face of global conflict.
This narrative unity serves as a powerful internal cohesive force. It binds the Mongolian people together, fostering a shared sense of purpose and pride. At the same time, it is a strategic asset in the international arena. In diplomatic discourse, Mongolia can draw on this legacy to assert its independent identity and historical significance, positioning itself as a nation with a rich and storied past that has actively shaped the course of history.
Yet when it comes to WWII, historical memory increasingly has to navigate geopolitical tensions.
Russia: Honoring the Past, Planning for the Future
Mongolia’s relationship with Russia has deep historical roots, and this is nowhere more evident than in their shared WWII history. Mongolia’s participation in Moscow’s May 9, 2025 Victory Day parade was a poignant reminder of their long-standing military bond. President Khurelsukh Ukhnaa’s emphasis on the logistical cooperation during WWII, including a visit to the War Horses memorial, further solidified this connection.
Their shared history has led to increased joint military exercises and enhanced intelligence sharing in the post-war era. Russia and Mongolia’s annual military exercise, Selenge, has been held since 2008, including the latest edition in June 2025. As Russia’s Security Council Secretary Sergei Shoigu put it in a meeting with his Mongolian counterpart, “the Russian and Mongolian people still inherit and carry forward the tradition of combat friendship formed during World War II.”
Amid the Ukraine conflict, Russia is in search of reliable partners, and Mongolia’s willingness to engage is seen as a positive sign. However, Mongolia is also acutely aware of the need for strategic diversification. Its “third neighbor” policy reflects Ulaanbaatar’s understanding that over-reliance on any single power can be a double-edged sword. By maintaining strong ties with Russia while simultaneously seeking other partnerships, Mongolia aims to protect its sovereignty and security interests in an ever-changing geopolitical landscape.
China: Substantial Engagement Without Presidential Summits
Despite the prominence of Russia in Mongolia’s WWII commemorations, Mongolia’s relationship with China has been steadily advancing. From 2023 to 2025 a series of high-level interactions took place – even in the absence of presidential summits. Then-Prime Minister Oyun-Erdene Luvsannamsrai’s visits to China for events like the Summer Davos Forum and his meetings with Chinese Premier Li Qiang at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summits in 2023 and 2024 were significant steps in maintaining diplomatic momentum.
In 2024, Chinese Vice President Han Zheng’s visit to Mongolia was quickly follow by Oyun-Erdene’s attendance at the China International Import Expo. These exchanges were not just diplomatic niceties; they were part of a larger strategy to align Mongolia’s economic interests with China’s Belt and Road Initiative. In 2025, Oyun-Erdene’s participation in the Asian Winter Games in Harbin and Parliament Speaker Amarbayasgalan Dashzevge’s talks with Chinese legislative leaders further underscored Mongolia’s “balanced diplomacy” approach.
Exchanges surged in the first half of 2025, fueled by the SCO Summit in Tianjin, WWII commemorations, and trilateral plans involving Russia. Consensus on issue like Tibet and Buddhism has helped strengthen ties. Interactions between political parties and government officials, as well as people-to-people- exchanges, flourished, highlighted by a visit to Mongolia by Liu Jianchao, the minister of the International Department of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Potential visits by Wang Yi and senior officials later in the year would continue to boost relations.
In June, Mongolia’s new prime minister, Zandanshatar Gombojav, stepped up cooperation. Chinese Premier Li Qiang sent a congratulatory message to Zandanshatar on June 18, and on June 20, the prime minister met the Russian and Chinese ambassadors to discuss FTA talks with the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), and mining cooperation with China, respectively.
As China approaches its September 3 commemoration of the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, Mongolia could leverage shared history to advance the China-Mongolia-Russia Economic Corridor, push forward the Power of Siberia 2 (a proposed new gas pipeline linking China and Russia via Mongolia), and upgrade Central Railway Corridor(the Trans-Mongolian Railway) etc. Mongolia will seek to secure investment while maintaining strategic independence.
Third Neighbors: Expanding Horizons and Leveraging Resources
Mongolia’s engagement with third neighbors – countries beyond China and Russia – has taken on new significance in recent years, driven by both strategic and economic imperatives. India, for example, has shown a keen interest in Mongolia, particularly in relation to the latter’s vast rare earth reserves, which account for approximately 10 percent of the global total. The Nomadic Elephant 2025 joint military exercises, which focused on urban warfare and cyber operations, were not just a display of military cooperation but also a means for India to gain access to Mongolia’s valuable resources.
Multilateral engagements have also become a cornerstone of Mongolia’s foreign policy. The Khaan Quest 2025 peacekeeping drills, which invited participation from China, the United States, South Korea, and others, are a prime example. By hosting such events, Mongolia can balance its military trust with Beijing while simultaneously strengthening partnerships with other nations. 
The United States, through initiatives like the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework talks in 2024, and South Korea, with its pledge of smart city investments in 2025, are both vying for influence in Mongolia, seeking to counterbalance Sino-Russian dominance. Mongolia, in turn, deftly uses these overtures to enhance its bargaining power on the global stage, using its WWII legacy as a unifying narrative to engage with diverse partners.
Japan’s Forthcoming Visit: A Diplomatic Tightrope
The planned state visit by Japanese Emperor Naruhito and Empress Masako in July 2025 signals Japan’s bid to deepen its engagement with Central Asia, with Mongolia in its sights. Japan views Mongolia’s rich uranium, coal, and rare earth reserves as vital for its technological and industrial sectors. Additionally, infrastructure projects, such as the expansion of the Chinggis Khaan International Airport, are on Tokyo’s agenda. For Mongolia, this visit presents an economic opportunity, potentially bringing in much-needed investment and expertise.
However, the visit also comes with historical baggage. Mongolia’s official WWII narrative is centered around resisting Japanese expansionism, most notably at the Battles of Khalkhin Gol. Hosting the Japanese imperial family thus requires careful diplomatic choreography. Ulaanbaatar balance an emphasis on “economic reconciliation” with its own anti-fascist historical narrative. Geopolitically, the visit will be seen through the lens of Japan-U.S. efforts to counter China’s influence in Central Asia, and mismanaging historical issues could alienate Russia and China — both with their own wartime grievances against Japan.​
Economic Promise and Geopolitical Peril
Mongolia’s WWII heritage offers significant economic potential. Historical tourism, centered around battle sites like Khalkhin Gol, has the capacity to attract international visitors, injecting much-needed revenue into the economy. Cultural diplomacy, through the promotion of Mongolia’s WWII-era stories and artifacts, can enhance the nation’s soft power and open doors for further economic cooperation. Foreign investment in heritage-related projects, such as the development of museums or the restoration of historical sites, is another avenue for growth. Japan’s potential infrastructure funding, if managed strategically, could also complement ongoing projects like the China-Mongolia-Russia corridor.
However, the geopolitical landscape is fraught with risks. The ongoing China-U.S. rivalry, for instance, could potentially weaponize Mongolia’s historical narrative. Depending on how Mongolia navigates its relationships with these two superpowers, its WWII legacy could be used against it. Fluctuations in Russia’s global standing also pose a threat. If Russia’s influence wanes significantly, Mongolia may find itself in a more vulnerable position, especially if Ulaanbaatar has over-emphasized its historical alliance with Moscow.
Conversely, missteps in framing the engagement with Japan could erode Mongolia’s credibility as a custodian of anti-fascist history, affecting its relations with Russia and China. The delicate balance between economic pragmatism and historical integrity is a tightrope that Mongolia must walk carefully.
Conclusion
Mongolia’s WWII legacy is a double-edged sword. On one hand, it is a source of national pride, a unifying force, and a strategic asset that can be leveraged to enhance the nation’s standing in the international community. It provides a foundation for strong relationships with Russia and China, while also opening doors to partnerships with third neighbors. The upcoming visit from Japan, despite its complexities, also holds economic promise.
On the other hand, in an era of great power competition, this legacy exposes Mongolia to potential vulnerabilities. The risk of being caught in the crossfire of China-U.S. rivalry, the uncertainty of Russia’s future role, and the challenges of reconciling historical narratives with new diplomatic overtures are all significant hurdles.
The key for Mongolia lies in its ability to balance historical symbolism with pragmatic diplomacy. As it commemorates the 80th anniversary of the end of WWII in 2025, Mongolia must use this occasion to strengthen its alliances, promote economic development, and safeguard its sovereignty. The coming decade will be a test of Mongolia’s diplomatic acumen, as it determines whether its WWII legacy will be a catalyst for progress or a geopolitical liability. By carefully navigating the complex web of international relations, Mongolia can ensure that its past serves as a springboard for a prosperous and secure future.
By Sumiya Chuluunbaatar
Sumiya Chuluunbaatar is an economist and expert on international issues. Sumiya is currently working as a non-resident fellow at the Institute of International Studies, Mongolian Academy of Sciences.

Published Date:2025-07-04