Events
Name | organizer | Where |
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MBCC “Doing Business with Mongolia seminar and Christmas Receptiom” Dec 10. 2024 London UK | MBCCI | London UK Goodman LLC |
NEWS
North Korea's premier sends congratulatory message to new Mongolian leader www.koreajoongangdaily.joins.com
North Korea's Premier Pak Thae-song has sent a congratulatory message to the newly appointed Mongolian prime minister and called for the development of bilateral cooperation, the North's state media reported Tuesday.
Pak sent the message to Prime Minister Zandanshatar Gombojav on Saturday, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) reported, following Mongolian lawmakers' overwhelming approval of the former parliamentary speaker as prime minister.
The message also expressed Pak's confidence that the traditional friendship and cooperation between the countries will develop for their mutual benefit.
It also expressed hope for success in the prime minister's policies on developing the economy and improving the people's well-being.
Yonhap

Responsible Business Conduct for Sustainable Infrastructure in Kazakhstan, Mongolia and Uzbekistan www.oecd.org
Mongolia is a large landlocked middle-income country. It shares borders with the People’s Republic of China (China) in the south and the Russian Federation (Russia) in the north. Both countries are also its main trading partners (Observatory of Economic Complexity (OEC), n.d.[1])1. The country has achieved a status of high human development in UNDP’s Human Development Index, ranking 96 out of 193 in 2022 (UNDP, 2024[2]). With a 2023 GNI per capita of USD 4 950 (World Bank, 2024[3]) Mongolia is in the midst of moving from lower- to upper-middle-income status. While almost half of the population lives in the capital, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia’s extremely low population density (3.4 million people for a land surface of 1.6 million km2, the lowest in the world (World Bank, 2024[4])) has implications for infrastructure development, including higher costs to connect citizens to and through infrastructure.
To achieve its development objectives, in particular, for economic and regional development, the country has identified the need for significant infrastructure investments (World Bank, 2021[5]). Its long-term development policy, Vision 2050, foresees a significant expansion of the road and rail network; investments in energy production and transmission to achieve self-sufficiency in terms of electricity; and the development of mining, which is expected to continue as a key sector of the economy (Mongolia, 2020[6]). These sectors feature prominently in the country’s New Recovery Policy 2021-2030 and action plan adopted in response to the COVID-19 pandemic (Mongolia, 2021[7]). In September 2024, the new government coalition adopted its Government Action Plan 2024-2028, with infrastructure investments at the very centre: almost all 14 mega-projects are linked to transport, energy and industrial infrastructure (Government of Mongolia, 2024[8]).
Transport is a policy priority due to the vast geographical expanse, location of mineral resources, and low population density. Connectivity is essential also for Mongolia’s exports. While Mongolia has already heavily invested in transport infrastructure over the past years, needs remain high (OECD, 2019[9]): many roads are unpaved, maintenance is a challenge, and transport costs are high (World Bank, 2021[10]). The country ranks 108th in the 2023 Logistics Performance Index in terms of infrastructure (World Bank, 2023[11]). The concentration of population and economic activities in a few areas means that value for money of transport infrastructure needs to be closely considered (ITF, 2019[12]). The Government Action Plan 2024-2028 focuses on railway development (3 200 km), highways and roads (4 400 km planned2), and freight and port infrastructure (Government of Mongolia, 2024[8]).
Mining remains central to the economy. Ever since the opening of the economy in the 1990s, the mining sector – mainly coal and minerals – has been the main engine of GDP growth and trade. It accounted for 93% of exports in 2022 and 56% of domestic and foreign investment in 2021, and 60% of GDP growth in 2023 (Government of Mongolia, 2023[13]; World Bank, 2024[14]). For instance, the underground expansion of the Oyu Tolgoi copper and gold mine represents an estimated investment volume of USD 7 billion (Rio Tinto, 2023[15]). Artisanal mining is an important source of employment for rural populations (Lahiri-Dutt et al., 2021[16]). The vast majority of Mongolia’s exports is directed to China, in particular, coal. Chinese companies are expected to adhere to the Chinese Due Diligence Guidelines for Mineral Supply Chains, which have been developed building on OECD standards (China Chamber of Commerce of Metals, Minerals & Chemicals Importers & Exporters (CCCMC), 2020[17]). The global energy transition creates additional demand for extractives such as copper, lithium, and uranium, and presents opportunities for Mongolia. The New Recovery Policy and 2024-2028 Action Plan foresee an expansion of mining and investments in industrial transformation of copper, gold, and coal to capture more value-added before export (Mongolia, 2021[7]; 2024[8]). Expanding the mining sector is also at the origin of substantial investments in infrastructures for transport (to access mining sites and export goods) and power for operations. Moreover, revenue from mining is expected to finance Mongolia’s Sovereign Wealth Fund, created in 2024 (Montsame, 2024[18]). The Fund’s objective is to support the country’s development investments and long-term financial stability.
Mongolia’s energy sector remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels, with renewables slowly gaining traction. A particularity of Mongolia in this regard is the importance of heating needs and the central role of coal, with outdated thermal power plants producing the vast majority of both heat and electricity (World Bank, 2021[5]). The New Recovery Policy, reaffirmed under the Action Plan 2024-2028, foresaw creating an additional capacity of 3 400 MW and a heating capacity of 1 536 MW (Mongolia, 2021[7]; 2024[8]). While Mongolia exports energy resources from mining, its domestic electricity production is insufficient to meet growing needs: around 20% of electricity consumption stems from imports (Government of Mongolia, 2023[13]). Wind and solar energy production has increased but it constitutes, together with hydropower, only 10% of energy production (Government of Mongolia, 2023[13]). Compared to the New Recovery Policy3, the 2024-2028 Action Plan recognises the vast potential of renewable energy and puts greater attention on renewable energy sources (RES), including through large and mega-scale solar wind projects and hydropower stations (Government of Mongolia, 2024[8]). This aligns with Vision 2050’s objective to bring the share of renewable energy to 30% by 2030 (Mongolia, 2020[6]).
The full report on https://www.oecd.org/.../full-report/mongolia_f390c4f6.html

Construction of Gashuunsukhait–Gantsmod port railway begins www.gogo.mn
Mongolia and China have officially launched construction of the Gashuunsukhait–Gantsmod port railway, a major strategic project aimed at strengthening cross-border transport infrastructure and boosting coal exports.
On June 9, a construction agreement was signed between Mongolia’s “Tavantolgoi Railway” LLC and China’s “Railway Construction Bridge Engineering Bureau Group” LLC. The project kicked off with the drilling of the first support pile for a railway bridge at the border connection point.
This project is an important strategic project being implemented within the framework of Mongolia-China cooperation. The Gashuunsukhait-Gantsmod port railway is planned to be a transport network with a total length of 32.6 km, class 1, 1520 mm wide and 1435 mm narrow gauge dual track, with a capacity to transport 40 million tons of cargo per year.
Of this, 19.5 km is the main railway, the rest includes single and double bridge structures with a height of 8-31 meters, border control complexes, technological buildings, and a comprehensive infrastructure solution.
Construction is expected to be completed in 22 (24) months and will include the development of cross-border railway bridges, dual-gauge terminals, entry point facilities, and border inspection infrastructure. The project is financed by “Erdenes Tavan Tolgoi” JSC in accordance with a parliamentary resolution, with an estimated budget of MNT 902 billion.
The new railway is expected to double Mongolia’s coal export capacity from 83 million to 165 million tons annually. The Gashuunsukhait–Gantsmod corridor alone could handle up to 30 million tons of coal each year. At a market rate of USD 100 per ton, this would yield USD 3 billion in export revenue.
Rail freight along this route is projected to generate USD 250–300 million annually, boosting Mongolia’s GDP by an estimated USD 1,000 per capita.
In addition, the railway paves the way for future cross-border connections at other key ports including Shiveekhuren, Khangi, and Bichigt.
This marks the second major Mongolia–China railway project since the Zamyn-Uud–Ereen railway was established in 1955. It is the first time in 70 years that a railway is connecting the Gashuunsukhait–Gantsmod port, an important milestone in Mongolia’s infrastructure development and international trade integration

Everyone’s friend: How Mongolia stays on good terms with Russia, China and western powers www.irishtimes.com
The first luxury hotel to be built in Mongolia and once the only one with a constant supply of hot running water, the Ulaanbaatar Hotel is now something of a curiosity of Soviet-era architecture. But for a couple of decades after it opened in 1961, this monumental building with its broad, 17-bay facade, was a rare, cosmopolitan venue in a remote, landlocked country under communism.
“The world was divided, uncertain, and even on the brink of war. During this time, the Ulaanbaatar Hotel was a home for many foreign diplomats and curious international journalists,” said Mendee Jargalsaikhan, director of Mongolia’s Institute for Strategic Studies.
He was speaking in the hotel at the start of the 10th Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Northeast Asian Security, an annual conference that brings together diplomats, security experts and academics from across the region and around the world. Last week’s conference featured speakers from China, Russia, Japan and South Korea, along with the United States, Canada, Australia and a number of central Asian republics.
North Korea sent representatives every year until the coronavirus pandemic and they have yet to return. But Mongolia, which was among the first countries to recognise the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), has good relations with Pyongyang and the organisers hope the North Koreans will return.
After 70 years as a communist state with close economic, diplomatic and military ties to the Soviet Union, Mongolia became a liberal, parliamentary democracy after 1990. It normalised relations with China, established links with the US and the European Union and joined the Non-Aligned Movement.
David Curtis Wright, a history professor at the University of Calgary, said Mongolia succeeded where Canada failed in the 1980s and 1990s in its aspiration to become everyone’s friend. It has good relations with all of the six other states with stakes in northeast Asian security.
“Mongolia understands continental northeast Asian security concerns better than Japan, South Korea or the United States, and Mongolia also understands Japanese, South Korean and American security concerns better than Russia, China and the DPRK,” he said.
“Mongolia understands that war in northeast Asia would involve four nuclear states – the United States, Russia, China and the DPRK – and two other heavily armed states, Japan and South Korea, and the possible results are unthinkable. In addition, embroiling the world’s three largest economies, the United States, China and Japan in a war in northeast Asia would be utterly catastrophic for the world’s economy.”
Mongolia’s constitution prohibits foreign militaries from transiting through its territory or basing forces there and the country has declared itself a nuclear weapons-free zone. This has not stopped its troops from serving in support of the US in Iraq, Kosovo and Afghanistan but Mongolia’s forces are better known for their service on United Nations peacekeeping missions.
Northeast Asia has no military alliance similar to Nato and Mongolia faces a formidable challenge as it tries to manoeuvre between Russia, China and the western powers without compromising its sovereignty or democratic governance. Without the financial resources to build defence capabilities like Singapore or Switzerland, Mongolia has to engage in “soft balancing” using diplomatic means.
Its policy is modelled on that of Finland during the cold war, so that it avoids joining security alliances with the great powers and abstains from taking a stance on controversial matters. Like Finland in the late 20th century, Mongolia today presents itself as a neutral place for the great powers to negotiate.
Yoko Iwama, a professor of international relations at Japan’s National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, told the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue that the waning of American hard and soft power presented challenges for northeast Asia. The advanced, affluent societies across the region had to think about how to avoid a war that would be too destructive for any of them to accept.
“This is somewhat similar to the 1970s in cold war Europe. Both the US and the USSR were facing multiple difficulties, and therefore wanted a relaxation of tensions. They also needed mechanisms and institutions to run this process, since the build-up of nuclear weapons had made war simply suicidal for both sides, a series of dialogues between East and West,” she said.
“We need a similar process in Asia. We need management of nuclear weapons between the nuclear powers, which are actually much more diverse today than in Europe in those days. Although the total number of warheads is a lower today than during the cold war, that does not make these weapons less destructive.”
The shift in US foreign policy since Donald Trump’s return to the White House has unnerved some of Washington’s allies, particularly in Europe. But for Kirill Babaev from the Russian Academy of Sciences, it is one of a number of positive changes in the international environment.
He said there were signs that the lowest point in opposition between the great powers had passed and de-escalation was now under way, with the US and Russia talking on the phone at least once a week and Washington and Beijing sitting down to discuss their trade relationship. He noted that Japan and South Korea’s trade ministers had met their Chinese counterpart to find common ground and both Seoul and Tokyo were considering easing sanctions against Russia.
“The second trend is definitely that the Global South is raising its voice because it also needs a place at this table of negotiations,” he said.
“I think for the first time in centuries, we see the situation where the Asian countries, the regional players, are becoming strong enough to become part of global policy, and that countries like China, India, the Middle Eastern countries, countries of Africa and Latin America would like to play a more vital part in global politics and the global economy. This, I think, creates a totally new world for us, a world that we have never known before, a world which will be free of so-called European, or if we call it white, domination in world politics or economics.”
Babaev said that the three major nuclear powers – the United States, Russia and China – now recognised these major trends in global affairs and that western domination was coming to an end. They would have to compromise to achieve a more stable system of global governance and he suggested that Washington, Moscow and Beijing could become the cornerstones of the new system.
“These will not be the only participants of the process, but without any of the three largest nuclear powers ... it will not be possible. We should definitely include also the regional powers, those who are now increasing their role in the world economy, including countries of south Asia, southeast Asia, Middle East and Latin America,” he said.
“I think probably it will be a good idea to revive the Security Council of the United Nations, which is actually a stalemate at the moment, just because the great powers cannot agree. But in case a compromise will be found between the three key players, United States, Russia, and China, then I think the regional partners will also follow, and we will revive the system of international governance, which will last for another five decades or something like that.
“I think we need an overall security guarantee agreement, which will look like probably something between Yalta 1945 or Helsinki 1975, or probably something new, but in any case will guarantee that the national interests will be secured and respected for all countries, either big or small.”
Babaev’s proposal outraged some European participants, who noticed that Europe was the only region he did not mention as having any role in shaping the new global system. He later criticised the EU for failing to offer any constructive proposals for peace in Ukraine and wanting to prolong the war there.
Zhuo Zihan from China’s Fudan University struck a more cautious note, asserting Beijing’s opposition to the idea of spheres of influence or a carve-up between the great powers. And he was more pessimistic about the prospects of an early improvement in relations between the US and China.
“Let’s be candid. We recognise the structural nature of this rivalry. But we are concerned by a tendency in some American political circles to treat China not as a peer to be engaged, but as a threat to be contained. This really has profound implications for our region.
“US strategy documents increasingly define China not as a strategic partner to manage peacefully, but as a systemic rival. This kind of thinking presses regional actors to choose sides. It stokes arms races, and undermines the co-operative spirit,” he said.
“China does not seek hegemony, either in Asia or anywhere else. We are not believers in exclusive spheres of influence. We believe each country, including Mongolia, the Koreas and Japan has a right to chart its own course in peace on an equal footing with sovereignty and dignity.”
Jenny Town, a senior fellow at the Stimson Centre in Washington, said that intensifying big power competition, the hardening of adversarial security alignments and rapidly growing defence budgets in northeast Asia reflected attempts to mitigate security dilemmas but also exacerbated them. A northern triangle of Russia, China and North Korea appeared to be pitted against the southern triangle of Japan, South Korea and the United States.
But she suggested that Trump’s return to the White House and the election in South Korea of Lee Jae-myung, a foreign policy pragmatist, could make a difference.
“The changes in leadership, especially in the United States and South Korea, pose an international opportunity,” she said.
“Each country has ample agency to redefine both the extent and the limits of co-operation in the region, both within the alliance structure as well as across adversarial ideological alliances. So while both Washington and the newly elected government in Seoul have pledged the continuous strengthening of alliance co-operation, both bilateral and multilateral, and to bolster readiness against the threats, there’s a degree of uncertainty about the sustainability of such co-operation.”
Over two days, participants in the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue discussed security challenges and multilateral co-operation in northeast Asia, co-operation with central Asia, climate change and energy resilience. Mongolia will host the Cop17 climate talks in 2026 and the country has suffered an increasing number of severe weather events linked to climate change.
Khishigjargal Enkhbayar, co-founder of the United Nations Association of Mongolia, said that young people across northeast Asia understood the need to work together to address climate change and energy resilience. This was true of all the region’s challenges.
“Consensus in our region will not come very easily, especially as we lack a multilateral mechanism for co-operation,” she said.
“And yet this region, home to two nuclear states and a quarter of the world’s GDP, cannot afford continued fragmentation. I think this was very much echoed throughout the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue conference. Our futures are very deeply intertwined, and whether we acknowledge it or not.”
BY Denis Staunton

Reconstruction of Kharkhorin City Begins www.montsame.mn
The reconstruction of Kharkhorin City has been launched on June 15, 2025, with a ceremonial hoisting of the Mongolian State Flag at “The Great Khaans’ Garden by the Decree of President of Mongolia Khurelsukh Ukhnaa.
In 2022, on the 860th anniversary of the birth of the Great Chinggis Khaan, President of Mongolia Khurelsukh issued a Decree to rebuild Kharkhorin in the Orkhon Valley, a World Heritage site. Accordingly, the construction of the city has officially begun.
President of Mongolia Khurelsukh emphasized in his opening speech that in rebuilding Kharkhorin in the vast valley of the Orkhon River, its image from more than 800 years ago and the power of the Great Khaans should be embodied in it, based on written sources, archaeological finds, and evident. Moreover, the President noted the need to carry out major construction projects, including roads, railways, airports, heat and electricity sources, waste processing plants, treatment facilities, urban green parks, agricultural clusters, and river and lake restoration as a priority.
The President of Mongolia called upon the government, private sector and the people to actively participate and work together the rebuild of Kharkhorin, which require time, budget, labor, and dedication.
Green parks are planned to be established throughout the city, planting and nurturing over 1 million coniferous and leafy trees and shrubs across 1,500 hectares.
More than 800 people from 40 public and private entities, including mining and tree planting companies planted over 550,000 trees in the last month and a half. In the “Great Khaans’ Garden alone, the government and the private sector have jointly planted 11,000 trees. In addition 13,000 square meter of parking lots and 11,000 square meter of sidewalks have been built, as well as lighting, wells, and irrigation works have been completed.
It is estimated that 500,000 people will live in the new city of Kharkhorin, creating 285,000 jobs, and the city is anticipated to support regional development. Moreover, it is planned to be a smart city with government, administrative, international organizations, and diplomatic missions of foreign countries, and developed social, health, infrastructure, high-tech industries, housing, culture, art, tourism, green spaces, and other services. For instance, 50 percent of the city’s total area will be green spaces, 30 percent will be buildings and 20 percent will be roads. The city of Kharkhorin will make a significant contribution to breaking up population concentrations that negatively affect society, the economy, citizens' livelihoods, and health, including congestion, air, water, and soil pollution, creating conditions for living in a healthy and safe environment, providing basic social services, and creating new residential areas.
The State Great Khural of Mongolia approved the Law on Supporting the Planning, Construction, and Development of Kharkhorin City, and the Government established the Governor’s Office of Kharkhorin City, the City Council, and the Council of Scholars.
Currently, construction is underway for “The Great Khaans’ Garden,” the “Information and Promotion Complex.” Efforts are also being made to restore the Khugshin Orkhon River, Kheltgii White Lake, and the ruins of the ancient capital, alongside the launch of the city’s master plan.
In connection with the establishment of the city, 189 thousand hectares of land in the Orkhon Valley in the territories of Uvurkhangai and Arkhangai aimags have been acquired for special state needs.

Mongolia picks reformer to lead cabinet after former PM exits in scandal www.msn.com
A former foreign minister considered a reformer will head up the new government in Mongolia following the ouster of his predecessor, who resigned earlier this month.
Zandanshatar Gombojav, a career politician, was approved on June 12 by the Great Hural (Parliament) after a full day of hearings. His predecessor, Oyun-Erdene Luvsannamsrai, left office after failing a vote of confidence.
Zandanshatar, 55, received 108 votes out of 117 cast in Parliament to become Mongolia’s 34th prime minister. This represents a turn of events from a year ago, when he even failed to win a seat in Parliament.
Julian Dierkes, a Mongolia expert at the University of Mannheim, describes Zandanshatar as a “compromise candidate” between different factions of the ruling Mongolian People’s Party (MPP). Dierkes adds that there may be questions over his mandate due to his loss in Parliament last year.
But while his recent political fortunes were less than stellar, his background offers varied experience. In addition to serving as a foreign minister, Zandanshaatar has been a speaker of parliament. A decade ago, he attended Stanford as a visiting scholar.
He takes over a government left in tatters after the breakup of the last coalition government. Last month, the MPP voted to remove the Democratic Party (DP) from the coalition after DP members called for Oyun-Erdene to step down.
Oyun-Erdene’s exit was sparked by social media posts that raised questions over the source of his family’s wealth. Posted photos led to street protests and calls for his resignation.
Zandanshatar, a former banker, takes the reins of a government that has seen significant economic improvements since the pandemic. The economy grew 6% last year, largely on the back of strong coal and copper sales to China. The World Bank is forecasting 6.3% growth this year.
But challenges lie in wait. Speaker of Parliament Amarbayasgalan Dashzegve said in an address to Parliament early on June 13 that Mongolia faces uncertainty due to unstable geopolitics and soft commodity prices.
He urged Zandanshatar to “find ways to implement mega projects without putting pressure on the economy.”
Zandanshaatar’s economic past includes some nationalist tendencies but most experts agree he has moved to the centre on his economic views.
“Today he presents himself as a reform-minded stabiliser, not a threat to foreign capital,” said Amar Adiya, a political commentator and the editor of Mongolia Weekly, a market intelligence newsletter.
“Investors should watch who he appoints to the finance, economic development and mining ministries. That will say more about his direction than his decade-old positions. His past may raise questions but his recent tone suggests continuity, not confrontation,” Amar adds.
Those sentiments could ease concerns held by Western mining companies and others doing business in Mongolia. Foreign investment has long kept a cautious eye where Mongolia is concerned amid its frequent changes in leadership and shifting rules and regulations.
Chief among those investors is Anglo-Australian mining giant Rio Tinto, which controls the giant Oyu Tolgoi copper and gold mine, the anchor of Mongolia’s economy for over a decade.
Rio, currently negotiating with the government over mining licences, will be keen to engage with the Zandanshatar to move its project forward. One likely scenario is that Zandanshatar stays the course set down by the previous administration, which favoured the development of so-called megaprojects in energy, mining and other sectors.
“I don’t expect any radical turns in policy from the Oyun-Erdene government,” said Dierkes.
By Michael Kohn

Mongolia's central bank keeps benchmark interest rate unchanged at 12 pct www.xinhuanet.com
The Mongolian central bank's monetary policy council has decided to keep the benchmark interest rate unchanged at 12 percent, the Bank of Mongolia said Saturday.
"The decision was made due to the current state of the Mongolian economy and the prospects of the external and internal environments," the central bank said in a statement.
In March, Mongolia's central bank raised its benchmark interest rate by 2 percentage points to 12 percent amid rising inflation.
Khaan Quest 2025 int'l peacekeeping exercise kicks off in Mongolia www.xinhuanet.com
The annual multinational peacekeeping exercise Khaan Quest 2025 kicked off at the Five Hills training center near the Mongolian capital on Saturday.
"At the time when the international security environment is becoming increasingly complex, uncertain, and unstable, the solidarity, collective responsibility, and peace-loving spirit of countries are more important than ever," Purevdorj Bukhchuluun, deputy chairman of the State Great Khural of Mongolia, said at the opening ceremony.
Over 1,200 military personnel from 24 countries, including Mongolia, China, Australia, Canada, Egypt, France, Germany, India, Japan and the United States, are participating in the 22nd edition of the peacekeeping exercise hosted by the Mongolian Armed Forces.
The exercise, which will last until June 28, consists of a command post exercise and a field training exercise.

Mongolia and Russia Jointly Develop E-Commerce and Logistics As Free Trade Agreement Nears www.russiaspivottoasia.com

Zandanshatar Gombojav Appointed as Prime Minister of Mongolia www.montsame.mn
At its plenary session on June 12, 2025, the State Great Khural (Parliament) of Mongolia discussed and approved the appointment of Zandanshatar Gombojav as the Prime Minister of Mongolia.
As the Mongolian People's Party, which won the majority of seats in the State Great Khural as a result of the 2024 regular parliamentary elections, nominated Zandanshatar Gombojav as the Prime Minister of Mongolia, President Khurelsukh Ukhnaa submitted the proposal to the State Great Khural according to Article 39.2 of the Constitution.
Zandanshatar Gombojav, who has worked in the fields of academic research, economics, and foreign affairs, and at the state legislative and executive levels since 1992, is considered to be capable of ensuring public trust, political leadership, and policy stability.
A total of 68 members of the State Great Khural asked questions from the nominee and received answers and 28 members expressed their positions regarding the appointment. When a vote was held, 108 MPs out of the 117 members present at the plenary session, or 92.3 percent supported the appointment of Zandanshatar Gombojav as the Prime Minister of Mongolia.
Subsequently, the Resolution on the Appointment of the Prime Minister of Mongolia was approved. The 34th newly appointed Prime Minister of Mongolia Zandanshatar Gombojav addressed the State Great Khural.
Noting the urgent need to stabilize the economy, improve the income and livelihood of the people, and address pressing issues such as sudden energy failures, Prime Minister Zandanshatar stated the main goal of the new Government will be to overcome risks and challenges and enhance national resilience at all levels.
The newly appointed Prime Minister of Mongolia stated, “Human development will be the biggest mega project of our government. The new Government will work to be a Government that places the development of Mongolians at the core of its policies and the rights of its citizens at the center of its solutions. The Government will focus on the development of competent, productive, healthy, and globally competitive Mongolians, and will intensify comprehensive reforms in health, education, and social security. It will introduce a performance-based pay policy in every sector. The Government will reform the welfare system and pursue the principle that the best welfare is employment. The Government will intensify pension reform, reduce social insurance fund losses, and transfer the management to a fair, transparent, and professional asset management system."
Zandanshatar Gombojav was born in 1970 in Baatsagaan soum, Bayankhongor aimag, and has a wife and four children. In 1987, he graduated from Secondary School No. 77 in Ulaanbaatar and studied at the Irkutsk Institute of National Economy in the Russian Federation from 1987 to 1992, earning a degree in finance and economics. He has a Master’s degree in Economics. He began his professional career as a lecturer at the University of Commerce and Industry. From 1995 to 1998, he served as an economist, department head, and division director at the Agricultural Bank. Between 1998 and 2000, he worked as the manager of the training center at the Bank of Mongolia and as the bank’s representative at the Agricultural Bank. From 2000 to 2003, he was the Deputy Director at Khan Bank, and worked as Deputy Minister of Food and Agriculture from 2003 to 2004. From 2005 to 2010, he was a member, Vice President, and later President of the Board of the Socialist Democratic Youth Union under the Mongolian People’s Party (MPP). He served as a Member of Parliament from 2004 to 2012, as Minister of Foreign Affairs from 2009 to 2012, and between 2012 and 2013, he was the Secretary General of the MPP. From 2013 to 2015, he conducted research at the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University in the United States. He was re-elected to Parliament in 2016 and served until 2024. From 2017 to 2019, he was a Member of the Government and the Chief of Cabinet Secretariat of the Government of Mongolia. From 2019 to 2024, he served as Chairman of the State Great Khural. Since 2024, he has worked as the Chief of Staff of the Office of the President of Mongolia.
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