State Great Khural Members Meet IMF Staff Team www.montsame.mn

Members of the Standing Committee on Economics of the State Great Khural of Mongolia hosted a meeting with Deputy Division Chief at the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and Head of the IMF staff team under Article IV of the IMF’s Articles of Agreement Tahsin Saadi and other IMF officials.
Mentioning that, according to Article IV of the IMF’s Articles of Agreement, the IMF staff team visits member countries each year, Mr. Tahsin Saadi presented suggestions on possible policies to be implemented by the Government and the Parliament of Mongolia to support the country’s economy. Although the staff team had planned to work in Mongolia seven months ago, the situation has significantly changed since then, noted the IMF staff team and said that the team will soon present their brief reports to the Government and the Ministry of Finance of Mongolia. The main report is scheduled to be ready by next autumn.
At the meeting, the two sides discussed the current state, short- and long-term trends, and relevant conclusions and recommendations regarding Mongolia’s economy and budget., The meeting was attended by Members of Parliament Badamsuren Myagmarsuren, Batbold Rinchindorj, Batsumberel Natsagdorj, Batchimeg Purev, Luvsanjamts Ganzorig, Munkhsoyol Baatarjav, Soronzonbold Lkhagvasuren, Undraa Agvaanluvsan, as well as IMF Resident Representative for Mongolia Tigran Poghosyan, the World Bank Group Executive Director for Asia and the Pacific Seong-Wook Kim, and other IMF officials, reported the Media and  Public Relations Department of the State Great Khural.

Statement by Batsetseg Batmunkh Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mongolia (on her social media platforms) www.mongolianbusinessdatabase.com

In view of certain inaccurate and misleading reports in foreign media concerning Mongolia’s recent social and political developments, I find it necessary—as a Member of Parliament of Mongolia, a government official who has long served in the field of foreign relations, and as a citizen deeply committed to the well-being of my country—to express my position.
On 11 June 2025, The Times published an article that grossly misrepresented Mongolia’s internal political situation. The piece appears to have been deliberately crafted, perhaps even commissioned, to spread fear through unfounded allegations and distorted facts. Its content demonstrates a clear disregard for Mongolia’s democratic achievements and seems designed to mislead international audiences in pursuit of undisclosed and self-serving objectives. The article’s baseless attempt to link Mongolia’s domestic affairs to its relations with neighboring countries is both irresponsible and harmful.
While The Times repeatedly cites so-called “government sources,” it is regrettable that the publication failed to present a balanced account, neglecting to reflect the broader context and disregarding other credible sources. There is reason to believe that these alleged sources may, in fact, be individuals who have lost political power and are now intent on deflecting attention from their past transgressions at any cost. That they would compromise Mongolia’s reputation on the international stage to protect narrow personal interests amounts to nothing less than a betrayal of the nation.
The recent events in Mongolia are a direct expression of the public’s legitimate aspirations for justice. The people of Mongolia, as free citizens of a democratic state, have exercised their rights peacefully, without external interference, and have clearly articulated their demands—showcasing the strength and resilience of our democracy. This has been duly noted by international journalists and independent observers.
As the supreme legislative authority representing the will of the people, the State Great Khural continues to function independently, in strict adherence to democratic principles and the rule of law. Within this framework, the new Prime Minister was appointed in full compliance with our laws and constitutional procedures. Allegations that these developments reflect an attempt to weaken Parliament or establish one-man rule were categorically and unequivocally refuted by the President of Mongolia in his remarks before Parliament.
It is telling that such unfounded claims have appeared solely in The Times, whereas other respected international media outlets have reported on Mongolia’s situation with fairness, accuracy, and balance. The people of Mongolia are discerning and well-informed. They engage critically with information, weighing it against the realities they witness firsthand. Accordingly, the public has seen through these falsehoods and has spoken out forcefully in defense of our democratic values, while rightly demanding transparency regarding the origins and motives behind such disinformation.
Since embracing democracy in 1990, Mongolia has built a state founded on the rule of law, civil liberties, multi-party governance, and freedom of the press. While it is natural for debate and differences of opinion to arise on matters such as economic policy or development strategy, on issues that concern our sovereignty, national security, and foreign policy, the Mongolian people and political institutions have always stood united. Our independent, multi-pillared, and peace-oriented foreign policy, established over three decades ago, has safeguarded our nation from external threats and undue influence.
In this context, any attempt to exploit foreign factors for narrow political gain within our domestic discourse is deeply irresponsible. Such actions risk undermining our country’s hard-earned international reputation, jeopardizing friendly relations with neighboring states, and ultimately threatening Mongolia’s sovereignty and national security.

Mongolia issues e-visas to 11,484 foreigners in first 5 months www.xinhuanet.com

A total of 11,484 foreigners were granted Mongolian e-visas in the first five months of 2025, an increase of 2.8 times year on year, local media reported on Monday, citing Mongolia's Immigration Agency.
During the period, the country's immigration agency issued 12,268 residence permits, and extended 14,430 residence permits. The residence permit issuance increased 76.3 percent.
Currently, Mongolia's economy relies heavily on export of mineral resources. Tourism is considered one of priority areas for diversifying the economy.
The government has decided to continue the "Years to Visit Mongolia" tourism program until 2028.
Mongolia launched e-visa system on Oct. 1, 2021. According to the Mongolian Tourism Organization, Mongolia has attracted a total of 226,364 foreign tourists since the beginning of 2025.

Current Regulations On The Renewable Energy Law Of Mongolia And Investment Opportunities www.mondaq.com

Mongolia's total renewable energy potential is 2600 gigawatts (GW), over 1000 times larger than the 1.6 GW installed capacity of Mongolia's electricity system1 . In the decades ahead, this potential could be harnessed through the vast solar and wind resources of Mongolia's Gobi Desert. With the effective development of energy transmission infrastructure, these resources could not only meet domestic energy consumption but also fulfill the energy demands of the Northeastern Asian region. Despite its vast renewable energy potential, Mongolia currently depends on coal-fired thermal power plants for about 90 percent of its electricity production. Coal is also the primary source of heating. As a result, the energy sector is the major contributor to significant greenhouse gas emissions and severe air pollution in the country. The amount of electricity produced in Mongolia in 2023 was about 8528 million kWh, an increase of 3.3% or 349.7 million kWh over the year before. The majority of electricity produced, 90.9%, came from combined heat and power plants; the remaining 8.5% came from solar and wind power, 0.6% from hydropower sources, and 0.01% from diesel generators. In addition, the amount of power imported during the reporting period was 2447.6 million kWh, which represents a 13.2% increase over the previous year by 286.3 million kWh.2

Therefore, Mongolia is taking concrete actions to increase development and investment in its renewable energy sector. In particular, Mongolia amended the Renewable Energy Law in 2008, 2011, 2012, 2015, 2019, and 2022, adding key provisions to support renewable energy projects. These amendments include the introduction of feed-in tariffs, a competitive auction system for renewable energy projects, project implementation guarantee and other supportive measures.
Mongolia's climate commitments under International Agreements
Mongolia has shown a strong commitment to supporting the ultimate goal of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC)—limiting global warming to well below 2°C, and pursuing efforts to limit it to 1.5°C —through the following actions:

In September 2015, Mongolia adopted its first Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC) to the UNFCCC, committing to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 14% by 2030. In 2019, Mongolia updated its NDC target to 22.7% by 2030. This target includes reducing carbon emissions from the energy production and supply sector by 8.34 million CO2-equivalent (CO2-eq) tonnes and reducing carbon emissions from renewable energy by 2.97 million tonnes CO2-eq3.
To achieve this international commitment, Mongolia is actively working to increase the share of renewable energy in its total installed energy capacity, including wind, solar, and hydropower. It has developed and adopted key state policy documents, such as "Vision-2050" and the "2021 New Recovery Policy." Specifically, Vision-2050, the country's long-term development strategy approved by Parliament in 2020, reflected the government's target to increase the installed renewable energy capacity to 30 percent by 2030.
BY Bolormaa Volodya
Enkh-Uchral Khurelbaatar
See the full article  https://www.mondaq.com/.../current-regulations-on-the...

IMF completes preliminary assessment of fiscal outlook www.ubpost.mn

Member of the Parliament and Chairman of the Standing Committee on Budget Ts.Davaasuren held a meeting with a delegation led by Tahsin Saadi Sedik, Head of the Working Group on Article 4 of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), to discuss Mongolia’s current economic and fiscal situation.
At the outset of the meeting, Chairman Ts.Davaasuren acknowledged the long-standing and productive partnership between Mongolia and the IMF. He provided an overview of the nation's current budget and financial conditions, noting that the newly formed 126-member parliament is prioritizing fiscal discipline. As part of this effort, the parliament aims to maintain the 2025 state budget at the same level as 2024, thereby halting the trend of excessive budget expansion in recent years.
However, Ts.Davaasuren also addressed growing concerns regarding potential shortfalls in budget revenue caused by the declining price of coking coal, Mongolia’s primary export commodity. He expressed support for the newly appointed prime minister’s decision to propose a budget amendment focused on austerity and stricter fiscal policy measures in response to this risk.
To better understand the causes and impacts of recent rapid increases in public spending, the Standing Committee on Budget has established a dedicated working group to investigate and analyze these developments.
Tahsin Saadi Sedik, representing the IMF, thanked Chairman Ts.Davaasuren for meeting with the delegation despite his demanding schedule. He confirmed that the IMF had completed its preliminary assessment of Mongolia’s economic landscape under Article 4 and would soon present its findings and recommendations. Sedik reaffirmed the IMF’s continued commitment to supporting Mongolia through technical cooperation and policy guidance moving forward.

Mongolia to Cooperate with the United Kingdom in the Field of Mineral Resources www.montsame.mn

State Secretary of the Ministry of Industry and Mineral Resources of Mongolia Javkhlanbaatar Sereeter and Ambassador of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland to Mongolia Fiona Blyth signed a Strategic Roadmap to enhance Mongolia-UK cooperation on critical minerals.
The two sides will cooperate in geological research and utilization of modern advanced technologies for regional geophysical, geochemical, and geological mapping. Moreover, efforts will be made to strengthen bilateral cooperation, introduce leading international practices, and organize training sessions and seminars in the field of mineral resources.

North Korea's premier sends congratulatory message to new Mongolian leader www.koreajoongangdaily.joins.com

North Korea's Premier Pak Thae-song has sent a congratulatory message to the newly appointed Mongolian prime minister and called for the development of bilateral cooperation, the North's state media reported Tuesday.
Pak sent the message to Prime Minister Zandanshatar Gombojav on Saturday, the Korean Central News Agency (KCNA) reported, following Mongolian lawmakers' overwhelming approval of the former parliamentary speaker as prime minister.
The message also expressed Pak's confidence that the traditional friendship and cooperation between the countries will develop for their mutual benefit.
It also expressed hope for success in the prime minister's policies on developing the economy and improving the people's well-being.
Yonhap

Responsible Business Conduct for Sustainable Infrastructure in Kazakhstan, Mongolia and Uzbekistan www.oecd.org

Mongolia is a large landlocked middle-income country. It shares borders with the People’s Republic of China (China) in the south and the Russian Federation (Russia) in the north. Both countries are also its main trading partners (Observatory of Economic Complexity (OEC), n.d.[1])1. The country has achieved a status of high human development in UNDP’s Human Development Index, ranking 96 out of 193 in 2022 (UNDP, 2024[2]). With a 2023 GNI per capita of USD 4 950 (World Bank, 2024[3]) Mongolia is in the midst of moving from lower- to upper-middle-income status. While almost half of the population lives in the capital, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia’s extremely low population density (3.4 million people for a land surface of 1.6 million km2, the lowest in the world (World Bank, 2024[4])) has implications for infrastructure development, including higher costs to connect citizens to and through infrastructure.
To achieve its development objectives, in particular, for economic and regional development, the country has identified the need for significant infrastructure investments (World Bank, 2021[5]). Its long-term development policy, Vision 2050, foresees a significant expansion of the road and rail network; investments in energy production and transmission to achieve self-sufficiency in terms of electricity; and the development of mining, which is expected to continue as a key sector of the economy (Mongolia, 2020[6]). These sectors feature prominently in the country’s New Recovery Policy 2021-2030 and action plan adopted in response to the COVID-19 pandemic (Mongolia, 2021[7]). In September 2024, the new government coalition adopted its Government Action Plan 2024-2028, with infrastructure investments at the very centre: almost all 14 mega-projects are linked to transport, energy and industrial infrastructure (Government of Mongolia, 2024[8]).
Transport is a policy priority due to the vast geographical expanse, location of mineral resources, and low population density. Connectivity is essential also for Mongolia’s exports. While Mongolia has already heavily invested in transport infrastructure over the past years, needs remain high (OECD, 2019[9]): many roads are unpaved, maintenance is a challenge, and transport costs are high (World Bank, 2021[10]). The country ranks 108th in the 2023 Logistics Performance Index in terms of infrastructure (World Bank, 2023[11]). The concentration of population and economic activities in a few areas means that value for money of transport infrastructure needs to be closely considered (ITF, 2019[12]). The Government Action Plan 2024-2028 focuses on railway development (3 200 km), highways and roads (4 400 km planned2), and freight and port infrastructure (Government of Mongolia, 2024[8]).
Mining remains central to the economy. Ever since the opening of the economy in the 1990s, the mining sector – mainly coal and minerals – has been the main engine of GDP growth and trade. It accounted for 93% of exports in 2022 and 56% of domestic and foreign investment in 2021, and 60% of GDP growth in 2023 (Government of Mongolia, 2023[13]; World Bank, 2024[14]). For instance, the underground expansion of the Oyu Tolgoi copper and gold mine represents an estimated investment volume of USD 7 billion (Rio Tinto, 2023[15]). Artisanal mining is an important source of employment for rural populations (Lahiri-Dutt et al., 2021[16]). The vast majority of Mongolia’s exports is directed to China, in particular, coal. Chinese companies are expected to adhere to the Chinese Due Diligence Guidelines for Mineral Supply Chains, which have been developed building on OECD standards (China Chamber of Commerce of Metals, Minerals & Chemicals Importers & Exporters (CCCMC), 2020[17]). The global energy transition creates additional demand for extractives such as copper, lithium, and uranium, and presents opportunities for Mongolia. The New Recovery Policy and 2024-2028 Action Plan foresee an expansion of mining and investments in industrial transformation of copper, gold, and coal to capture more value-added before export (Mongolia, 2021[7]; 2024[8]). Expanding the mining sector is also at the origin of substantial investments in infrastructures for transport (to access mining sites and export goods) and power for operations. Moreover, revenue from mining is expected to finance Mongolia’s Sovereign Wealth Fund, created in 2024 (Montsame, 2024[18]). The Fund’s objective is to support the country’s development investments and long-term financial stability.
Mongolia’s energy sector remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels, with renewables slowly gaining traction. A particularity of Mongolia in this regard is the importance of heating needs and the central role of coal, with outdated thermal power plants producing the vast majority of both heat and electricity (World Bank, 2021[5]). The New Recovery Policy, reaffirmed under the Action Plan 2024-2028, foresaw creating an additional capacity of 3 400 MW and a heating capacity of 1 536 MW (Mongolia, 2021[7]; 2024[8]). While Mongolia exports energy resources from mining, its domestic electricity production is insufficient to meet growing needs: around 20% of electricity consumption stems from imports (Government of Mongolia, 2023[13]). Wind and solar energy production has increased but it constitutes, together with hydropower, only 10% of energy production (Government of Mongolia, 2023[13]). Compared to the New Recovery Policy3, the 2024-2028 Action Plan recognises the vast potential of renewable energy and puts greater attention on renewable energy sources (RES), including through large and mega-scale solar wind projects and hydropower stations (Government of Mongolia, 2024[8]). This aligns with Vision 2050’s objective to bring the share of renewable energy to 30% by 2030 (Mongolia, 2020[6]). 
The full report on https://www.oecd.org/.../full-report/mongolia_f390c4f6.html

Construction of Gashuunsukhait–Gantsmod port railway begins www.gogo.mn

Mongolia and China have officially launched construction of the Gashuunsukhait–Gantsmod port railway, a major strategic project aimed at strengthening cross-border transport infrastructure and boosting coal exports.
On June 9, a construction agreement was signed between Mongolia’s “Tavantolgoi Railway” LLC and China’s “Railway Construction Bridge Engineering Bureau Group” LLC. The project kicked off with the drilling of the first support pile for a railway bridge at the border connection point.
This project is an important strategic project being implemented within the framework of Mongolia-China cooperation. The Gashuunsukhait-Gantsmod port railway is planned to be a transport network with a total length of 32.6 km, class 1, 1520 mm wide and 1435 mm narrow gauge dual track, with a capacity to transport 40 million tons of cargo per year.
Of this, 19.5 km is the main railway, the rest includes single and double bridge structures with a height of 8-31 meters, border control complexes, technological buildings, and a comprehensive infrastructure solution.
Construction is expected to be completed in 22 (24) months and will include the development of cross-border railway bridges, dual-gauge terminals, entry point facilities, and border inspection infrastructure. The project is financed by “Erdenes Tavan Tolgoi” JSC in accordance with a parliamentary resolution, with an estimated budget of MNT 902 billion.
The new railway is expected to double Mongolia’s coal export capacity from 83 million to 165 million tons annually. The Gashuunsukhait–Gantsmod corridor alone could handle up to 30 million tons of coal each year. At a market rate of USD 100 per ton, this would yield USD 3 billion in export revenue.
Rail freight along this route is projected to generate USD 250–300 million annually, boosting Mongolia’s GDP by an estimated USD 1,000 per capita.
In addition, the railway paves the way for future cross-border connections at other key ports including Shiveekhuren, Khangi, and Bichigt.
This marks the second major Mongolia–China railway project since the Zamyn-Uud–Ereen railway was established in 1955. It is the first time in 70 years that a railway is connecting the Gashuunsukhait–Gantsmod port, an important milestone in Mongolia’s infrastructure development and international trade integration

Everyone’s friend: How Mongolia stays on good terms with Russia, China and western powers www.irishtimes.com

The first luxury hotel to be built in Mongolia and once the only one with a constant supply of hot running water, the Ulaanbaatar Hotel is now something of a curiosity of Soviet-era architecture. But for a couple of decades after it opened in 1961, this monumental building with its broad, 17-bay facade, was a rare, cosmopolitan venue in a remote, landlocked country under communism.
“The world was divided, uncertain, and even on the brink of war. During this time, the Ulaanbaatar Hotel was a home for many foreign diplomats and curious international journalists,” said Mendee Jargalsaikhan, director of Mongolia’s Institute for Strategic Studies.
He was speaking in the hotel at the start of the 10th Ulaanbaatar Dialogue on Northeast Asian Security, an annual conference that brings together diplomats, security experts and academics from across the region and around the world. Last week’s conference featured speakers from China, Russia, Japan and South Korea, along with the United States, Canada, Australia and a number of central Asian republics.
North Korea sent representatives every year until the coronavirus pandemic and they have yet to return. But Mongolia, which was among the first countries to recognise the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), has good relations with Pyongyang and the organisers hope the North Koreans will return.
After 70 years as a communist state with close economic, diplomatic and military ties to the Soviet Union, Mongolia became a liberal, parliamentary democracy after 1990. It normalised relations with China, established links with the US and the European Union and joined the Non-Aligned Movement.
David Curtis Wright, a history professor at the University of Calgary, said Mongolia succeeded where Canada failed in the 1980s and 1990s in its aspiration to become everyone’s friend. It has good relations with all of the six other states with stakes in northeast Asian security.
“Mongolia understands continental northeast Asian security concerns better than Japan, South Korea or the United States, and Mongolia also understands Japanese, South Korean and American security concerns better than Russia, China and the DPRK,” he said.
“Mongolia understands that war in northeast Asia would involve four nuclear states – the United States, Russia, China and the DPRK – and two other heavily armed states, Japan and South Korea, and the possible results are unthinkable. In addition, embroiling the world’s three largest economies, the United States, China and Japan in a war in northeast Asia would be utterly catastrophic for the world’s economy.”
Mongolia’s constitution prohibits foreign militaries from transiting through its territory or basing forces there and the country has declared itself a nuclear weapons-free zone. This has not stopped its troops from serving in support of the US in Iraq, Kosovo and Afghanistan but Mongolia’s forces are better known for their service on United Nations peacekeeping missions.
Northeast Asia has no military alliance similar to Nato and Mongolia faces a formidable challenge as it tries to manoeuvre between Russia, China and the western powers without compromising its sovereignty or democratic governance. Without the financial resources to build defence capabilities like Singapore or Switzerland, Mongolia has to engage in “soft balancing” using diplomatic means.
Its policy is modelled on that of Finland during the cold war, so that it avoids joining security alliances with the great powers and abstains from taking a stance on controversial matters. Like Finland in the late 20th century, Mongolia today presents itself as a neutral place for the great powers to negotiate.
Yoko Iwama, a professor of international relations at Japan’s National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies, told the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue that the waning of American hard and soft power presented challenges for northeast Asia. The advanced, affluent societies across the region had to think about how to avoid a war that would be too destructive for any of them to accept.
“This is somewhat similar to the 1970s in cold war Europe. Both the US and the USSR were facing multiple difficulties, and therefore wanted a relaxation of tensions. They also needed mechanisms and institutions to run this process, since the build-up of nuclear weapons had made war simply suicidal for both sides, a series of dialogues between East and West,” she said.
“We need a similar process in Asia. We need management of nuclear weapons between the nuclear powers, which are actually much more diverse today than in Europe in those days. Although the total number of warheads is a lower today than during the cold war, that does not make these weapons less destructive.”
The shift in US foreign policy since Donald Trump’s return to the White House has unnerved some of Washington’s allies, particularly in Europe. But for Kirill Babaev from the Russian Academy of Sciences, it is one of a number of positive changes in the international environment.
He said there were signs that the lowest point in opposition between the great powers had passed and de-escalation was now under way, with the US and Russia talking on the phone at least once a week and Washington and Beijing sitting down to discuss their trade relationship. He noted that Japan and South Korea’s trade ministers had met their Chinese counterpart to find common ground and both Seoul and Tokyo were considering easing sanctions against Russia.
“The second trend is definitely that the Global South is raising its voice because it also needs a place at this table of negotiations,” he said.
“I think for the first time in centuries, we see the situation where the Asian countries, the regional players, are becoming strong enough to become part of global policy, and that countries like China, India, the Middle Eastern countries, countries of Africa and Latin America would like to play a more vital part in global politics and the global economy. This, I think, creates a totally new world for us, a world that we have never known before, a world which will be free of so-called European, or if we call it white, domination in world politics or economics.”
Babaev said that the three major nuclear powers – the United States, Russia and China – now recognised these major trends in global affairs and that western domination was coming to an end. They would have to compromise to achieve a more stable system of global governance and he suggested that Washington, Moscow and Beijing could become the cornerstones of the new system.
“These will not be the only participants of the process, but without any of the three largest nuclear powers ... it will not be possible. We should definitely include also the regional powers, those who are now increasing their role in the world economy, including countries of south Asia, southeast Asia, Middle East and Latin America,” he said.
“I think probably it will be a good idea to revive the Security Council of the United Nations, which is actually a stalemate at the moment, just because the great powers cannot agree. But in case a compromise will be found between the three key players, United States, Russia, and China, then I think the regional partners will also follow, and we will revive the system of international governance, which will last for another five decades or something like that.
“I think we need an overall security guarantee agreement, which will look like probably something between Yalta 1945 or Helsinki 1975, or probably something new, but in any case will guarantee that the national interests will be secured and respected for all countries, either big or small.”
Babaev’s proposal outraged some European participants, who noticed that Europe was the only region he did not mention as having any role in shaping the new global system. He later criticised the EU for failing to offer any constructive proposals for peace in Ukraine and wanting to prolong the war there.
Zhuo Zihan from China’s Fudan University struck a more cautious note, asserting Beijing’s opposition to the idea of spheres of influence or a carve-up between the great powers. And he was more pessimistic about the prospects of an early improvement in relations between the US and China.
“Let’s be candid. We recognise the structural nature of this rivalry. But we are concerned by a tendency in some American political circles to treat China not as a peer to be engaged, but as a threat to be contained. This really has profound implications for our region.
“US strategy documents increasingly define China not as a strategic partner to manage peacefully, but as a systemic rival. This kind of thinking presses regional actors to choose sides. It stokes arms races, and undermines the co-operative spirit,” he said.
“China does not seek hegemony, either in Asia or anywhere else. We are not believers in exclusive spheres of influence. We believe each country, including Mongolia, the Koreas and Japan has a right to chart its own course in peace on an equal footing with sovereignty and dignity.”
Jenny Town, a senior fellow at the Stimson Centre in Washington, said that intensifying big power competition, the hardening of adversarial security alignments and rapidly growing defence budgets in northeast Asia reflected attempts to mitigate security dilemmas but also exacerbated them. A northern triangle of Russia, China and North Korea appeared to be pitted against the southern triangle of Japan, South Korea and the United States.
But she suggested that Trump’s return to the White House and the election in South Korea of Lee Jae-myung, a foreign policy pragmatist, could make a difference.
“The changes in leadership, especially in the United States and South Korea, pose an international opportunity,” she said.
“Each country has ample agency to redefine both the extent and the limits of co-operation in the region, both within the alliance structure as well as across adversarial ideological alliances. So while both Washington and the newly elected government in Seoul have pledged the continuous strengthening of alliance co-operation, both bilateral and multilateral, and to bolster readiness against the threats, there’s a degree of uncertainty about the sustainability of such co-operation.”
Over two days, participants in the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue discussed security challenges and multilateral co-operation in northeast Asia, co-operation with central Asia, climate change and energy resilience. Mongolia will host the Cop17 climate talks in 2026 and the country has suffered an increasing number of severe weather events linked to climate change.
Khishigjargal Enkhbayar, co-founder of the United Nations Association of Mongolia, said that young people across northeast Asia understood the need to work together to address climate change and energy resilience. This was true of all the region’s challenges.
“Consensus in our region will not come very easily, especially as we lack a multilateral mechanism for co-operation,” she said.
“And yet this region, home to two nuclear states and a quarter of the world’s GDP, cannot afford continued fragmentation. I think this was very much echoed throughout the Ulaanbaatar Dialogue conference. Our futures are very deeply intertwined, and whether we acknowledge it or not.”
BY Denis Staunton