South Korean chicken burger chain Mom's Touch&Co. said Tuesday it inked a master franchise agreement with Mongolia's Foodville Farm LLC, in its first steps to enter the central Asian country.

Foodville Farm is an independent company established by the local franchise operator Monbakery LLC to expand the Mom's Touch brand in Mongolia. The company operates the South Korean coffee franchise Caffe Bene and bakery chain Tous les Jours in the Asian country.

The South Korean chicken burger franchise said it has decided to enter Mongolia due to the country's rapid economic growth, a relatively young population and a growing interest among Mongolians in Korean food, and products from K-pop and the broader Korean Wave.

Experts said the Korean Wave generated by K-pop and TV dramas could turn fans in foreign countries into active consumers of South Korean products.

Mom's Touch's first Mongolian restaurant is set to open in the first half of this year. The company plans to add more than five stores by the end of the year, it said.

The “Action to support implementation of Codex AMR Texts (ACT)” project was presented at the Herders Forum in Mongolia on 2 March 2023, where more than 400 herders, livestock specialists, and local governors discussed the government's policies for the development of the agricultural sector, livestock production and responsible and prudent use of antimicrobial drugs and food safety.

“This was a good opportunity to present the ACT project and discuss the responsible and prudent use of antimicrobial drugs in livestock. Our survey, where we interviewed almost 500 herders in 2021, showed that most herders use antimicrobials, and they acquire the antimicrobials through the local veterinarians, however, without prescription and often without further advice on how to use them“ said Enkhtur Byakharjav, National Project Coordinator in Mongolia, interviewed by the main TV channel of Dornogovi province about the foodborne AMR and its risk.

According to Byakharjav, Mongolia has a low population density and 20 times more livestock than people. He noted that livestock-based agriculture has been a big part of the Mongolian economy for years with agriculture products contributing to 80 percent of the national economy. Livestock herding is a source of income for the majority of the rural population. Byakharjav added that low population density, households in remote locations, and poor transportation infrastructure challenge the delivery of veterinary services. Therefore, most herders end up purchasing over-the-counter medicines, leading to the use of drugs and antibiotics, which is a risk to food safety and AMR.

Because of the uniqueness of the agrifood systems in Mongolia, the ACT project has tailored several different activities in Mongolia to raise awareness of Codex texts, with a special focus on foodborne AMR, especially among herders and veterinarians.

“It would be good to have more training on antimicrobial resistance and antimicrobial use. This would help herders to address the challenges they are facing today,“ noted Mungunkhuu Uul-Uvgun, Director of the Veterinary Department of the Dornogovi province.

The ACT project is supporting the implementation of Codex standards related to the containment and reduction of foodborne AMR and monitoring and surveillance of antimicrobial use and resistance. By supporting better management of foodborne AMR in Bolivia, Cambodia, Colombia, Mongolia, Nepal, and Pakistan, the project will contribute to improved access to international markets and protect consumers against the risks posed by foodborne AMR.

Real-Time Digital Simulator (RTDS), designed for non-stop monitoring and analysis of all modes of the integrated power system has started operating as JICA has handed over the equipment to the National Dispatching Center, state-owned joint stock company. Chief Representative of JICA Mongolia Office Mr. Tanaka Shinichi, and Executive director of the Center, G. Balzhinjam signed the handover document.

The RTDS worth USD 500,000 is being applied to model and simulate the energy system of Mongolia with real data and it will make a significant impact on the step-by-step planning of actions to be implemented in the short, medium and long term to analyze energy system stability and define future tendency in detail. Used in more than 50 countries, the system electronically simulates data from real sources such as diesel generators, solar generators, and battery generators.

During the RTDS handover ceremony, Deputy Minister of Energy M. Bayarmagnai said, "For 50 years since the establishment of friendly relations, Mongolia and Japan have been developing all-round cooperation in social, cultural and infrastructure sectors. In particular, in the energy sector of Mongolia. This system detects malfunction or failure in the energy system by overseeing the system online, monitors how the sources support each other, and provides possibilities for fewer accidents. Therefore, it will enable operational security and protection from possible financial risks."

Mongolian players Garidmagnai “⁠bLitz⁠” Byambasuren, Sodbayar “⁠Techno⁠” Munkhbold, Baatarkhuu “⁠Bart4k⁠” Batbold, Tuvshintugs “⁠Annihilation⁠” Nyamdorj, and Chinguun “⁠hasteka⁠” Bayarmaa have revived the tag “The Mongolz” ahead of the BLAST Paris Major Asia RMR and will no longer play under IHC in the tournament, according to the event organizer MESA.

The Mongolians peaked at 18th in the world in February, according to HLTV’s ranking, following their participation in IEM Katowice, when they eliminated paiN Gaming, FURIA, and most notably Cloud9 from the tournament. Dot Esports has reached out to IHC but didn’t receive a response at time of writing.

This news comes just mere days after IHC signed hasteka to complete the lineup and fill the void left open by the departure of star player Tengis “sk0R” Batjargal in early March.

IHC is backed by a cryptocurrency coin of the same name and the future of its esports operations has been in doubt ever since three founders of Ih Bit Global were arrested in February.

The Mongolz has been a mainstay tag in Mongolia’s CS:GO scene since 2015, when the country’s then-best player Enkhtaivan “⁠Machinegun⁠” Lkhagva used it with his teammates in premier tournaments like IEM Katowice in 2016 and IEM Oakland in 2017.

The Mongolz are due to play Nikola “Lobanjica” Mijomanović and Shuaib “D0cC” Ahmad’s Twisted Minds in the opening round of the BLAST Paris Major Asia RMR on Thursday, 6 April at 1:30am CT.

The tournament will feature eight Asian teams playing in a double-elimination bracket and only the top two will book a spot at the BLAST Paris Major in May, which will be the last Valve-sponsored tournament for CS:GO due to Counter-Strike 2’s pending worldwide launch this summer.

Mongolia’s prime minister, Luvsannamsrain Oyun-Erdene, recently expressed his country’s fear that the world is heading towards a new cold war as the relations between Russia and China and the west – particularly Nato – have taken a turn for the worse. “It’s like a divorce,” he said. “When the parents divorce, the children are the ones who get hurt the most.”

The country sits landlocked between Russia and China and is fearful of antagonising either. It gets much of its power from Russia, and China buys much of its exports – mainly agricultural goods and minerals such as copper. By pursuing a nimble foreign and trade policy since it transitioned to a multiparty democracy in the early 1990s, Mongolia has established a stable economy, receiving a thumbs up from the World Bank in its latest country report:

With vast agricultural, livestock and mineral resources, and an educated population, Mongolia’s development prospects look promising in the long-term assuming the continuation of structural reforms.

But the war in Ukraine has brought home to Mongolia just how carefully it must now navigate its foreign and trade policies to remain independent.

Smooth transition to democracy

From 1921 to 1990 Mongolia was effectively part of the Soviet bloc, although not part of the Soviet Union itself, the country’s centralised command economy was almost entirely dependent on Moscow for survival.

The collapse of communism in the early 1990s resulted in what proved to be a smooth transition. The then leader, Jambyn Batmönkh, refused to even consider quelling pro-democracy demonstrations, instead saying: “Any force shall not be used. There is no need to utilise the police or involve the military … Actually, these demonstrators, participants, and protesters are our children.”

His resignation in 1990 and the emergence of Ardchilsan Kholboo (Mongolian Democratic Union) paved the way for the development of a multiparty democracy. The June 1993 presidential election in Mongolia, which was ruled as free and fair by the International Foundation for Electoral Systems, saw the incumbent president, Ochirbat Punsalmaa – who had been appointed after a ballot by members of the existing Presidium of the People’s Great Khural (the national assembly) – elected for a four-year term.

A new constitution was adopted, with a three-part structure under the speaker of the parliament, the prime minister and the president and, while there have been instances of political corruption, Freedom House gives the country a high rating for both political rights and civil liberties.

All of which cannot disguise that the fledgling democracy remained wedged between (at the time chaotic) Russia and an increasingly assertive and authoritarian China. The obvious policy for Mongolia to pursue was to attempt to balance the two great powers in the region.

Initially, Mongolia’s foreign policy relied heavily on “omni-enmeshment”. This basically meant building relationships with as many partners as possible, both regionally and globally – including, significantly, the US.

But since 2000, Mongolia has embraced the policy concept of “balance-of-power” to reduce the country’s reliance on any one nation. To this end, they have partnered with strategic states in Asia, such as Japan and India, and rekindled military ties with Russia by entering a “strategic partnership” and conducting joint military exercises, while still maintaining a strong relationship with China. Mongolia has also strengthened bilateral security relations with the US.

Mongolia’s relationship with China is complicated by the fact that a significant part of what was traditionally Mongolia is now an “autonomous region” of China (Inner Mongolia), with a population of ethnic Mongolians larger than that of Mongolia itself. This, and the activities of secessionist groups in the province, is a persistent point of conflict between China and Mongolia.

Third neighbours

But Mongolia sees its independence increasingly threatened as Russia and China grow closer. Since the demise of the Soviet Union, Mongolia has adopted a strategy of maintaining strong ties with “third neighbours” – countries that embrace democratic values but also practice market economics, including the US (it was a term first articulated with connection to Mongolian foreign policy in August 1990 by then US secretary of state James Baker).

The US and Mongolia formalised their relations as a Strategic Partnership in 2019 and in 2022 – clearly with one eye on Ukraine – the two countries announced they were deepening the partnership “in all areas of mutual interest”, including an “open skies” agreement which would guarantee scheduled nonstop passenger flights between the two countries. The US – with other third-neighbour allies – also takes part in the annual Khaan Quest military exercises.

Dangerous times

The war in Ukraine has brought the precarious geopolitical situation in Ukraine into sharp focus. The latest joint declaration from the US-Mongolia Strategic Partnership stressed that “disputes should be resolved by peaceful means and with respect for the United Nations Charter and international law, including the principles of sovereignty and respect for the independence and territorial integrity of states, and without the threat or use of force”. It added: “To this end, both nations expressed concern over the suffering of the Ukrainian people.”

Mongolia has abstained from the UN votes condemning Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, while also refusing to criticise the sanctions imposed on Russia by the west, despite the fact that they have affected Mongolia – for example, sanctions against Russian banks have made it difficult to pay for its imports from Russia.

And, for all its efforts to forge ties around the globe, Mongolia remains heavily dependent on both Russia and China. The prospect of a new cold war setting the west against the Beijing-Moscow axis is a major concern for Mongolia. As Elbegdorj Tsakhia, a former prime minister and president of Mongolia – now a member of The Elders group of global leaders told Time magazine in April 2021:

“I feel that we have just one neighbour. China, Russia, have become like one country, surrounding Mongolia … Every day, we face very tough challenges to keep our democracy alive. Mongolia is fighting for its survival.”

Jo Adetunji

Editor, The Conversation UK