Events
Name | organizer | Where |
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MBCC “Doing Business with Mongolia seminar and Christmas Receptiom” Dec 10. 2024 London UK | MBCCI | London UK Goodman LLC |
NEWS
Mongolia reports 323 new cases of COVID-19 www.akipress.com
Mongolia reports 323 new cases of COVID-19, including 169 in Ulaanbaatar and 154 cases in the regions.
The total number of cases has increased to 466,254.
533 hospitalized patients are in mild condition, 1,374 are in moderate condition, 169 are in serious condition, and 28 are in extremely serious condition.
1 death linked to the coronavirus was recorded per day raising the death toll from COVID-19 in Mongolia to 2,100.
JICA to cooperate in ensuring power system stability www.montsame.mn
On March 1, the Ministry of Energy and the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) established a Memorandum of Cooperation on a project on improving the stability of the country’s power system and building capacity.
Over the course of three years, the two parties will be jointly organizing training to build the capacity of the sector’s engineers and technicians in the mid- and long-term, and carry out corresponding studies in the framework of the project. With this, the project aims to improve the stability of Mongolia’s power system by using renewable energy, and develop a ‘smart’ system for planning and regulating urgent works, creating more opportunities to increase renewable energy production.
The signing of the memorandum is considered to be significant in reaching the objective to have renewable energy sources to produce 30 percent of the country’s power demand by 2030, which is reflected in the ‘Vision-2050’ long-term development policy and the Government’s action plan for 2020-2024.
The ceremony was attended by Minister of Energy N.Tavinbekh, JICA Chief Representative in Mongolia Tamura Eriko, and other corresponding officials.
Previously, projects on modernization of the Fourth Thermal Power Plant, and improvement of its efficiency were previously carried out with soft loans and non-refundable aid through JICA.
Ukraine as Swiss Mongolia: Neutrality as an End to War www.moderndiplomacy.eu
Even without downplaying the shock and disappointment most felt when Russia invaded Ukraine, it is perhaps more disheartening how many astute and highly-respected analysts/academics around the world deftly argued for a strategy that should have worked but was roundly shoved aside by Western powers: pushing for and explicitly formalizing Ukrainian neutrality might have entirely avoided this 8-year morass that has engulfed Ukraine since the Crimean conflict.
Stephen Walt, even before the current incursion, lamented what he saw as Western hubris, wishful thinking, and liberal idealism as powering an arrogance that dismissed Russian security concerns even when they were fairly conservative and rational.
Anatol Lieven talked of a “golden bridge” left by Russia for the West to positively capitalize on…if only it would.
Hall Gardner pulled no punches in going all the way back to strategic mistakes made with the initial dissolution of the Soviet Union, but also emphasized how NATO’s strategy of “double enlargement” was basically a diplomatic thumb to the nose of Russia that should have been seen as causing inevitable blowback.
Pascal Lottaz, while still calling Russia a “rational crook,” astutely pointed out how it was impossible for Russia to not recognize NATO membership offerings to Ukraine and Georgia in 2008 as a direct provocation (or worse, confirmation of Western indifference to Russia), but also highlighted something many in the West have ignored: that failing to get Ukraine to implement the Minsk II agreement was tantamount to the West telling Russia that its strategic needs and opinions just didn’t matter.
Perhaps more importantly, Lottaz also highlighted something I have argued for more than 15 years: that Russia has always studied American international behavior carefully and will follow the realism-power principles it displays (note, this is different from the international governance normative principles America often publicly espouses). Consequently, for the current crisis in Ukraine, it matters to Russia that it can highlight an American display of invasive power backed by dubious provocation claims (Iraq), an American acknowledgement of territorial status change without larger international consent (Kosovo), or unilateral American recognition of border changes that resulted only through a non-internationally approved war (Golan Heights). While Lottaz went on, as the list can truly be made expansively if not exhaustively, the strategic relevance is unquestionable: as America behaves, so Russia feels justified in pursuing like-minded behavior aligned to its own security interests. That the West has routinely rejected this fact or simply ignored it seems based on the dubious idea that no one should have a problem with American actions because America deems itself the “good guy.” Russia, in this world view, is obviously the “bad guy” and therefore cannot be allowed to utilize the same strategic security largesse. Not surprisingly, Russia has always rejected this rather weak “good guy/bad guy” theory of international relations.
Which is why the concept of pushing for a formally recognized neutral Ukraine is so important. In the most basic of terms, it means Ukraine is off-limits to everyone. Russia would have no authority to forcefully assert its interest over Ukraine just because it is more powerful and the bigger regional player. The West would also be obligated to end all the flirtation (real and imagined) when it comes to Ukraine being part of NATO. Thus, just as Switzerland has been with so many major powers surrounding it historically in Europe and Mongolia in greater Asia, Ukraine would be an effective buffer state that is able to openly and prosperously engage both sides to its own advantage, but never for the purpose of setting both sides on edge and against each other. While the above-mentioned fine scholars have argued for quite some time as to the mutually beneficial nature of such a strategy, a nod of acknowledgment again has to go to Lottaz, who graciously recognized that in many ways, before the incursion, Russian policy on Ukraine pushed the basic structure of neutrality for years, but to no avail.
This fact leads to an uncomfortable diplomatic elephant in the room: if so many astute Western scholars can agree on a policy direction and some even explain how it likely aligns with professed Russian security perspectives, then why did the idea go ignored until after Russia actually felt compelled to invade? The answer to that awkward question is what needs greater examination and far greater airplay across international mainstream media. Arguably, this idea of Ukrainian neutrality went ignored because the West was simply unwilling to admit that it needed to let Ukraine be neutral. In other words, why let Ukraine go neutral (which would be to most a semi-acceptance of Russian priorities) when it could be brought at least symbolically into the Western fold (which delivers a much more satisfying slap to the Russian security/diplomatic face)? So, when one accepts that Russian policy on Ukraine since the 2014 Minsk II agreement has pushed for de facto neutrality and the precedent for accepting neutrality exists (Russia basically gives the same consideration for Moldova, Turkmenistan, and Mongolia within what it considers its natural sphere of influence), but that neutrality has never been seriously acknowledged by either Ukraine or the West, then it suddenly starts to be a little less murky as to why Russia might feel a more radical (and unfortunately more violent) maneuver was needed to get their attention.
The fact that the neutrality argument is finally being spoken by Ukraine and Russia to each other (even if it is still just the very beginning of bargaining at a formally-recognized negotiating table) and the West seems diplomatically amenable means three things for the global community: first, whatever the overall loss of life in Ukraine because of the incursion, it could have been easily avoided; second, this new status for Ukraine is likely the superior option not because it is the best for any one side but exactly because it leaves all sides a little dissatisfied but able to claim political contentment; third, it is finally time that all sides abandon their Cold War instincts when it comes to dealing with each other and start recognizing the need to establish a new 21st century relationship that isn’t stubbornly frozen onto the logic and suspicions of the 20th. That stubbornness sacrifices innocent lives and prevents innovative peace in favor of familiar discontent and mistrust. It is time the world became disenchanted with this familiarity.
BY: Dr. Matthew Crosston
Dr. Matthew Crosston is Executive Vice Chairman of ModernDiplomacy.eu and chief analytical strategist of I3, a strategic intelligence consulting company. All inquiries regarding speaking engagements and consulting needs can be referred to his website: https://profmatthewcrosston.academia.edu/
Can Mongolia become a hydrogen exporter? www.mongoliaweekly.org
Coal, copper and gold are Mongolia's key exports. Yet the windswept sands of the Gobi desert could soon see another resources boom as China transitions to renewable energy generation.
Elixir Energy, an Australia-listed gas exploration company, is conducting appraisal work on a natural gas reservoir in the Gobi and is also developing a pilot plant that would create green hydrogen for export to China.
"Hydrogen is vital to a net-zero in the next 30-50 years," Elixir Energy CEO Neil Young explained to Mongolia Weekly.
According to Young, high-intensity operations like manufacturing steel or cement require huge amounts of energy beyond the capacity of available renewable resources, meaning most future energy mix forecasts include hydrogen.
As China targets net-zero carbon emission by 2060, Elixir Energy is looking to export Mongolia's green hydrogen energy to customers in northern China, such as major steel operations in the Inner Mongolian city of Baotou.
Young says: "China is the world leader in steel manufacturing, and other than coking coal, hydrogen is the only identified alternative energy source for making steel. That market is enormous.
"We can validate the concept by creating a pilot plant that puts Mongolia's renewable energy through an electrolyser to create green hydrogen and truck it to a steel mill in Baotou, China, that would use hydrogen instead of coking coal."
Elixir Energy believes that green hydrogen created next door to China has significant competitive advantages over other sources, such as Australia, due to the sheer cost of moving hydrogen by sea.
"There's a global industry in moving liquified methane and in theory, you can do the same thing with hydrogen, but economically it’s far more expensive," Young explains. "It takes much colder temperatures to liquefy hydrogen and then you need certain high-quality metals to store it without causing embrittlement and cracking. It's four to five times more costly to move hydrogen by boat than methane.
"Mongolia is proximate to large demand nodes for green hydrogen in China and could supply it by pipeline. That's a huge cost advantage."
The planned 10-megawatt pilot plant would demonstrate the proof of concept, and if successful would underwrite the construction of a cross-border pipeline with possible development funding from private sector players and international financial institutions.
Young is also optimistic about Mongolian ethnic and cultural connections on both sides of the border, as his Mongolian colleagues would engage with the Chinese provincial government and ethnic Mongolians in China.
"The Chinese government has already initiated policies and put money into hydrogen," he says. "The ultimate risk is that the demand for hydrogen is contingent on governments legislating to follow through on their net-zero commitments. If they don't, it's a product that doesn't have a home.
"Let's assume they will because if so, the lowest-cost supplier wins – and for northern China, the lowest cost foreign supplier is Mongolia. Energy industry experts believe China will be a major hydrogen importer and an indigenous producer."
The government of Mongolia is indeed providing a supportive policy environment by pushing to diversify the country’s exports to China. During Prime Minister Oyun-Erdene's recent visit to Beijing, energy exports were a big-ticket item on his talking points with top Chinese officials.
In this sense projects like Elixir Energy's could propel green hydrogen investments into Mongolia while helping China meet its net-zero goals.
BY: Even Levick
SWIFT Ban Hits Russian Coal Exports To China www.oilprice.com
Chinese buyers of coal are having trouble securing financing to buy coal from Russia, the world’s third-largest coal exporter, as China’s banks are wary of sanctions themselves after selected Russian banks were expelled from the SWIFT banking system.
“Most banks have stopped issuing letters of credit after the SWIFT sanctions. As almost all contracts are dollar-denominated, we have no other way to make the payment,” a trader dealing in Russian coal and based in China told Reuters on Tuesday.
Despite the fact that Russia’s large-volume energy exports are not directly targeted by sanctions, the other sanctions already in place—especially the SWIFT ban—is making a growing number of traders in all energy commodities reluctant to deal with Russia, all the more so that banks decline to issue letters of credit in U.S. dollars.
Chinese traders are discussing with Russian coal exporters payments in Chinese yuan, for the first time, according to Reuters’ sources.
There is an option for buyers to use the Chinese banking settlement and clearing system, CIPS, at some point in the future.
Right now, even China is wary of dealing with Russian commodities, according to traders.
“Loading of Russian coal has almost stopped at the moment because of uncertainty over payments given the sanctions,” a market participant told Argus.
Even before the SWIFT ban, Chinese large state-owned banks were reportedly moving to restrict financing for Russian commodities purchases after Russia invaded Ukraine last week.
China is the single largest buyer of Russian coal, while Russia is the second-largest coal supplier to China after Indonesia.
Considering that the heating season is nearly at its end, China is not expected to have short-term issues with coal supply, according to Reuters.
The uncertainty over the payments for Russian commodities has already started to reverberate through the global energy markets, sending coal prices to record highs and adding to the supply disruptions from Indonesia, which restricts exports.
By Charles Kennedy for Oilprice.com
Mongolia and Japan Celebrate 50 Years of Diplomatic Relations www.thediplomat.com
February 24 marked the 50th anniversary of Mongolia and Japan’s establishment of diplomatic relations. Beyond the Japan-Mongolia strategic partnership in the political and economic fields, the two governments are dedicating 2022 as a Year of Friendship and Exchanges between the Mongolian and Japanese Children and Youth.
Since Japan’s first encounter with the Mongols in the 13th century, Mongolia and Japan’s bilateral relations were hindered by geopolitical instabilities and expansionist ideologies involving not only Japan but also Russia and China, followed by the years of Cold War spoils.
The Battle of Khalkhiin Gol of 1939 – known as the Nomonkhan Incident in Japan – was the culmination of the geopolitical competition between Japan’s Kwatung Army and Soviet Russia over the eastern territories, including Mongolia’s borders. In the words of Japanese historian Atsushi Kawai, “The defeat of the Battle of Khalkhiin Gol, for the Japanese government, was the turning point from the Northern Expansion Doctrine (Hokushin-ron) to the Southern Expansion Doctrine (Nanshin-ron) then to Pacific war.” The Battle of Khalkhiin Gol, often unheeded in the world history, was indeed a watershed moment in shaping the policies of the Northeast Asian countries.
It would take more than four decades for Mongolia and Japan to normalize diplomatic relations. It wasn’t until 1968 that Mongolia and Japan actively discussed bilateral friendship. The then- chairman of Mongolia’s Peace Committee, D. Adilbish, attended the opening ceremony of the Japan-Mongolia Friendship Association and a conversation took place that opened the door for future diplomatic relations. Later, in 1970, Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) Prime Minister Tsedenbal Yumjaa reiterated Mongolia’s readiness to normalize relations with Japan.
On February 24, 1972, Mongolian Ambassador to Moscow B. Luvsanchultem, and Japanese Ambassador to Moscow Kinya Niizeki signed diplomatic accords to establish official diplomatic relations between the MPR (the predecessor state to today’s Mongolia) and Japan. Between 1972-1973, Kinya Niizeki was appointed as the first Japanese ambassador to Ulaanbaatar.
Since the establishment of diplomatic relations, Japan has made itself Mongolia’s important democratic supporter and financial donor, becoming Mongolia’s first “third neighbor” in Asia.
Following the establishment of diplomatic relations, the Political Bureau of the Mongolian government issued decree No.161, “Developing Mongolia and Japan’s economic cooperation.” Within that framework, the Japanese government provided major financial assistance and investment in Mongolia’s metallurgy, energy, cashmere, and mining sectors. For example, in 1977, “Japan granted aid for the construction of the [state-owned] Gobi Cashmere Factory, which was privatized in 2007.” Japan’s support ultimately jump-started the Mongolian cashmere sector to a larger market.
In 1991, Prime Minister of Japan Kaifu Toshiki visited Mongolia, where he witnessed a society in a transitional shock following the 1990 Democratic Revolution. The Kaifu government offered the first development assistance through cash grants for Mongolia’s economic recovery. In a joint effort, between 1991-1993, Mongolia’s Prime Minister Byambasuren Dash secured $320 million in economic assistance from Japan. Moreover, during the G-7 Summit in London in 1991, Kaifu urged international assistance for Mongolia, securing donor countries to establish Developed Countries’ Assistance Programs.
Japan is one of the few countries that contributed to Mongolia’s development not only financially but by contributing to tangible assets. In 1993, Japan provided technical assistance in railway transportation rehabilitation projects, the rehabilitation of a thermal power plant in Ulaanbaatar, and Baganuur coal mine. By 1996, Mongolia and Japan set a goal to build a comprehensive partnership.
While Japan’s assistance strengthened the two countries’’ political and economic relations, cultural and educational exchange enhanced people-to-people relations and became the bridge for further civil collaborations. Sumo wrestling has become a new mechanism for cultural ties. Oka Hiroki, professor of Asian history at the Center for Northeast Asian Studies, wrote, “For some reason, the Mongols always seem to catch the Japanese by surprise. The 13th-century Mongol invasion materialized out of thin air, as did the more recent ‘invasion’ of talented sumo wrestlers from Mongolia.”
Furthermore, Japan has become a favorable destination for Mongolian students, scholars, and intellectuals to study abroad. As of 2022, there are around 4,500 Mongolian students who have studied in Japan’s leading universities, such as Tokyo University and Kyoto University. According to the Embassy of Japan in Mongolia, Japan Overseas Cooperation Volunteers (JOCV), Official Development Assistance (ODA), Mongolian-Japanese Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA), and other educational and cultural organizations all played a role in strengthening Mongolia and Japan’s friendly relations.
In 2010, Japan became Mongolia’s strategic partner and signed the Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA). The EPA aimed to tackle legal and technical aspects of the trade, tax, customs, investment, intellectual property, and cyber trade as such.
In 2021, one of the major Japanese investments in Mongolia proved to be fruitful – Mongolia’s second international airport, located in Khoshig Valley, which required $493 million in investment, is now fully operational.
From a diplomatic relations standpoint, Japan-Mongolia relations advanced during the second Abe administration in Japan (2012-2020). In those eight years, Mongolia-Japan strategic partnership included military and defense elements. Since 2012, Japan’s Capacity Building Assistance to Mongolia has included training for military medical professionals during disaster relief. For example, five medical officers of the Mongolian Army received training on disaster medicine. Moreover, since 2014, the Capacity Building Assistance to Mongolia program has included training in civil engineering, land surveying methods, and techniques. In turn, Mongolia assisted Japan during the Great Hanshin earthquake and the Fukushima crisis. Mongolia donated $1 million and sent rescue supplies to Miyagi and Iwate prefectures for reconstruction in 2011.
For Japan and Mongolia’s 50th anniversary, the president of Mongolia, Khurelsukh Ukhnaa, received the Japanese ambassador to Mongolia, Kobayashi Hiroyuki. Both sides agreed on designating 2022 as the “Mongolian-Japanese Youth Friendship and Exchange Year.” Celebratory events such as high-level visits and exchanges of 50 young leaders will be held throughout 2022. The youth from both countries bear the responsibility to bring the partnership to a new level in the next 50 years.
The commemoration of the 50th anniversary highlights the two countries’ consistent and friendly relations. On February 24, the foreign ministry of Mongolia organized a symposium titled “The strengthening of Mongolia-Japan strategic partnership in business and economic development” and “Mongolia-Japan Strategic Partners-50, Years,” a photo exhibit that sheds light on the two countries’ bilateral relations. Mongolia’s first president, Ochirbat Punsalmaa, former prime minister Sodnom Dumaa, and former foreign minister Gombosuren Tserenpil were special guests to attend the diplomatic ceremony.
Since his appointment as a Japanese ambassador to Mongolia, Kobayashi Hiroyuki has been supportive of intellectual activities that were initiated by his predecessor, Takenori Shimizu. For example, the Mongolian Seminars, organized by Chuo University, play a role in continuing the Japan-Mongolia relations and its narrative. Moreover, in August, he paid a special visit to the memorials of the Japanese soldiers who did not make it home from the ruins of World War II. Recognizing both historical and contemporary developments are essential in continuing and strengthening the Japan-Mongolia strategic partnership.
The 50th anniversary of Japan-Mongolia diplomatic relations bestows an opportunity to reinvigorate the current strategic partnership between the two countries and its peoples. Mongolian Secretary of State Ankhbayar Nyamdorj stated in his opening remarks at the 50th anniversary event, “Mongolia-Japan strategic partnership not only includes strengthening bilateral relations but also will contribute to the peace and security of the region and its development.” As the Asia-Pacific region continues to be the center of global trade and economic hubs, both Mongolia and Japan will need to embrace and unlock potential for further cooperation.
GUEST AUTHOR
Bolor Lkhaajav
Bolor Lkhaajav is a researcher specializing in Mongolia, China, Russia, Japan, East Asia, and the Americas. She holds an M.A. in Asia-Pacific Studies from the University of San Francisco.
GUEST AUTHOR
Bolorerdene Bazarsuren
Bolorerdene Bazarsuren received an M.A. in International Relations from the University of Tokyo. She is the editor-in-chief of Trends.mn, an online magazine based in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia.
Azkals grouped with hosts Mongolia www.cebudailynews.inquirer.net
CEBU CITY, Philippines—The Philippine Men’s National Football Team, popularly known as the Philippine Azkals, will be grouped with the hosts Mongolia in the upcoming Asian Football Confederation (AFC) Asian Cup China 2023 Qualifiers.
The Azkals belong to Group B after the competition draw last February 24 in Malaysia. The Azkals are grouped with Palestine, Yemen, and Mongolia.
Mongolia will host the Group B’s qualifying matches from June 8 to 14, 2022 in its capital in Ulaanbaatar.
Meanwhile, Group A is comprised of Jordan, Kuwaiit, Indonesia, and Nepal. Group C has Uzbekistan, Thailand, Maldives, and Sri Lanka.
Group D is composed of India, Hong Kong, Afghanistan, and Cambodia while Group E is played between Bahrain, Turkmenistan, and Bangladesh. Lastly, Group F has Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Myanmar, and Singapore.
The top team together with the five best second placed teams in the qualifiers will book a ticket to the final round to be held in China in 2023.
The Azkals look to qualify for the AFC Asian Cup for the second straight time after they made it in the 2019 edition for the first time in Dubai, UAE.
However, they were booted out of the tournament after finishing at the bottom of the group stage in the 2019 edition of the AFC Cup. They lost all three matches against Kyrgyzstan, China, and South Korea.
The last time the Azkals saw action was during the Asean Football Federation (AFF) Suzuki Cup in Singapore last year.
They were also booted out of the tournament during the group stage. They finished their campaign at third place in Group A with six points off two victories and two defeats.
BoM purchases 795.3 kg of precious metal www.montsame.mn
In February, the gold purchase of the Bank of Mongolia (BoM) was 795.3 kg, raising the BoM’s total precious metal purchase of 2022 to 2.4 tons. The figure shows an increase of 464.6 kg as compared with the same period of the previous year.
In February, the BoM branches in Darkhan-Uul and Bayankhongor aimags bought 15.7 kg and 59.2 kg of precious metals respectively.
The average price of BoM’s purchase of 1 gram of gold was MNT 170,600 last month.
COVID-19: 255 cases, one death reported www.montsame.mn
The Ministry of Health reported today that 255 СOVID-19 cases were recorded in the last 24 hours nationwide. In detail, 127 cases were reported in Ulaanbaatar city, with 128 cases in 21 provinces.
It was also reported that one COVID-19 related death has been reported in the past 24 hours, raising the country’s death toll to 2,235. Currently, there are 2,235 people are receiving hospital treatment for COVID-19 whilst 7,021 people with mild symptoms are being treated at home. Of the total patients currently undergoing treatment at hospitals, there are 575 patients in mild, 1,435 in serious, 195 in critical, and 31 in very critical conditions.
As of today, the coverage of 1st dose has reached 69.8 percent (2,271,676), 2nd dose – 66.8 percent (2,173,057), and 3rd dose or a booster shot of COVID-19 vaccines – 31.0 percent (1,024,816) of the total population. In addition, 105,019 people (3.2 percent) have received the 4th vaccine dose.
Construction work to connect border ports by road begins www.montsame.mn
Construction work to connect border checkpoints by auto roads in the framework of the Government’s ‘New Revival Policy’ has commenced.
Minister of Road and Transport Development L.Khaltar became acquainted with the progress of the ADB-funded project ‘Western regional road corridor investment programmе-2’. As part of the project, a 25.8 km paved road is being built in route of Tsagaannuur- Ulaanbaishint in Bayan-Ulgii aimag.
The construction work, which is scheduled to be completed by August 30 this year, is currently at 60-70 percent except for the pavement foundations.
“With the commissioning of the road, the amount of freight to be imported to Mongolia will increase. Aside from this, it will create an opportunity to conduct international transport between Russia and China through the territory of Mongolia. As traffic intensifies, there will be a lot of service points along the road, creating more jobs,” highlighted Minister L.Khaltar.
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